Tuesday, November 19, 2019

Eusebius, EH.5.8: Irenaeus on the Canon of the NT and the Septuagint


This is an occasional series of readings from and brief notes and commentary upon Eusebius of Caesarea’s The Ecclesiastical History: Here is Book 5, chapter 8. Listen here.

Notes and Commentary:

In this chapter Eusebius discusses Irenaeus’s comments on the canon of Christian Scripture.

First, he cites Irenaeus’s description of the four Gospels and their Evangelists:

Matthew is described as a “written” Gospel, first published among the Jews in their own language. This reinforces the traditional view that Matthew was first written for a Jewish audience.

Mark is described as “the disciple and interpreter (herméneutés) of Peter.”

Luke was a “follower of Paul” and conveyed Paul’s understanding of the gospel.

John was disciple of the Lord and the one who rested on his breast (thus the “beloved” disciple), who later lived at Ephesus.

Next, he cites Irenaeus’s reference to Revelation and the number of the Antichrist (Rev 13:18). Irenaeus noted that the proper number (presumably 666) is found in all the “good and ancient copies [antigraphoi].”

Reference is also made to Irenaeus’s citation of 1 John and 1 Peter.

Next, however, Eusebius notes that Irenaeus held some non-canonical books to be “Scripture.” This included the Shepherd of Hermas and perhaps the Wisdom of Solomon.

Eusebius also notes that Irenaeus cited the Apostolic Fathers Justin Martyr and Ignatius, and he mentions that Irenaeus “promised” to refute Marcion.

Finally, Eusebius discusses Irenaeus’s treatment of the Greek OT. He makes references to conflict over the proper translation of Isaiah 7:14, noting that rather than “virgin [parthenos]”, some translators (Theodotian and Aquila) used “young woman [neanis]”, a rendering preferred by the Ebionites, who denied the deity of Christ.

Eusebius then relays Irenaeus’s account of the legend of the origins of the Septuagint, as produced by seventy Jewish scholars for the library at Alexandria by Ptolemy.

He closes by noting Irenaeus’s statement that it was little wonder for the Lord to so inspire Scripture, since he had also inspired Ezra the priest to restore the Scriptures after the time of the Babylonian exile.

Conclusion:

This chapter continues Eusebius’s periodic interest in the EH of giving accounts of how the canon of Scripture came to be recognized by the early church (cf. earlier descriptions of Papias of Hierapolis and Melito of Sardis). According to Eusebius, Irenaeus acknowledged, most importantly, the Gospels, as well as Revelation, 1 Peter, and 1 Joh, but no mention is made of the rest of the canonical books of the NT (especially Paul’s letters), and it is noted that he also accepted non-canonical works (at least the Shepherd). This emphasizes the fact that the canon was only slowly recognized among early Christians This account also stresses the value of the Septuagint among some early believers as the preferred translation of the Greek OT.

JTR

Another Challenge to James White on Calvin and Text Criticism


A couple of years ago I wrote an article titled "John Calvin and Text Criticism", which appeared in Puritan Reformed Journal Vol. 9, No. 2 (July 2017): 128-146. You can read the entire article here.

At the beginning of the article I challenged the notion, often put forward by evangelical advocates of the modern critical text, that "the foundational theologians and preachers of the Protestant Reformation era were largely unaware of many of the disputed textual passages in the Greek New Testament” (129).

I used as an example of this the claim made by the popular internet apologist James R. White in his King James Version-Only Controversy book that Calvin and the other Reformers embraced the traditional text of Scripture, as White puts it, “by default, not particular choice” (130). I also point out that White makes this assertion without providing any meaningful evidence to support it.

Here is the section of the article (pp. 129-131) where I engage with White’s position:






My article proceeds to demonstrate that White’s statement is not accurate with regard to Calvin.

White has shown some interest, of late, in some of my academic work relating to the Confessional Text of Scripture. I would look forward to seeing his response to the challenge offered in this article relating to Calvin’s understanding of the text of Scripture.

Update (11.20.19): I have been informed that Mr. White has declined my invitation to offer a scholarly response to my article. Instead he has asked that I listen to his internet podcasts to hear a response to these challenges. Someone has suggested that "Listen to my podcast!" sounds something like "Read my book!" Smiles. If anyone who is a regular listener to the DL can find the specific podcast(s) wherein he responded to my article and provided concrete evidence that Calvin and the other Reformers were ignorant of the major textual variants in the NT and, therefore, embraced the TR "by default, not particular choice" please send me a link and time stamp and I will be glad to listen.

JTR

Monday, November 18, 2019

Eusebius, EH.5.7: Irenaeus on Extraordinary Gifts



Image: St. Irenaeus Church in Lyon, France, which dates to the 9th century and is named for the early bishop Irenaeus.

This is an occasional series of readings from and brief notes and commentary upon Eusebius of Caesarea’s The Ecclesiastical History: Book 5, chapter 7. Listen here.

Notes and Commentary:

In this chapter Eusebius again draws on Irenaeus’s Against Heresies [book 2] (called here: Refutation and Overthrow of Knowledge falsely so-called). We again see the importance of Irenaeus as a source for Eusebius.

The subject is the continuation of extra-ordinary gifts in the early post-apostolic church.

On one hand, Irenaeus describes the continuation of various miraculous gifts in this time, including the casting out of evil spirits, foreknowledge of future events, visions, prophetic speech, healing of the sick, and even the raising of the dead.

On the other hand, Irenaeus seems to acknowledge a difference between what was being done in his days in comparison to what Christ and the apostles had done. So, he says, “But they [the extraordinary deeds of his times] fall so short of raising the dead as did the Lord and his apostles….”

The focus instead is on making the case from the prophets that Jesus is the Son of God and that his miracles were true and that the brethren who had the “gifts of prophecy” were using them so as to “bring the hidden things of men into clearness for the common good and expound the mysteries of God.”

The particular stress is on the fact that these extraordinary acts of ministry were for “the benefit of the heathen, deceiving none and making profit from none”, and so it is a defense of the purity and wholesomeness of the early Christian movement.

What is more, Eusebius seems to be looking back on this from the perspective of the early fourth century as something that was taking place in the days of Irenaeus, but which had ceased in his own day.

JTR

Saturday, November 16, 2019

A Closer Look at Papyrus 46 and Ephesians 3:9


The conversation continues on Ephesians 3:9...

In the comment thread for the WM 138 post, CC shared another striking observation:

"Take another look at P46 in the NTVMR. It seems to me that it only reads κονομια. A case could be made that the exemplar had κοινονια (ο rather than ω) and the ι got squished into the Ν and the second Ν became μ. The transcription includes the οι in red brackets, but those letters aren't actually on the page...."

And, indeed, when I took a look at p46 the evidence in favor of the MCT is not as clear as it first seems. Here is a larger picture of the section in question:



Here's a closeup of the section at the end of a line (underlined in blue) reading (παντας τις η):






And here is a closeup of the beginning of the next line (underlined in red) which apparently reads κονομια not οικονομια:






This closer look reveals that p46, the earliest ms. of Ephesians 3:9, is, at the least, not a clear  witness to the οικονομια reading. Textual scholars will suggest the possibility that the οι- was either omitted by error or that it was there and the ink has rubbed away.  CC suggests an alternative possibility, "that the exemplar had κοινονια (ο rather than ω)." This would, in fact, argue in favor of the TR reading of κοινωνια.

JTR

Note: Post updated 11/17/19.

Eusebius, EH.5.4-6: Irenaeus, the "Thundering Legion," and the bishops of Rome



This is an occasional series of readings from and brief notes and commentary upon Eusebius of Caesarea’s The Ecclesiastical History: Book 5, chapters 4-6. Listen here.

Notes and Commentary:

These chapters cover at least three matters. First, they introduce Irenaeus of Lyons. Second, they relay a legendary anecdote about the “Thundering Legion,” and third they include Irenaeus’s listing of the bishops of Rome.

Chapter 4 introduces Irenaeus as a presbyter of Lyons who was commended by the martyrs to Eleutherus, bishop of Rome. One might assume that Irenaeus had either traveled or fled to Rome during the time of persecution. This note also reflects the importance of Rome as a Christian center among the early churches.

Chapter 5 relays a legendary anecdote that took place when Marcus Aurelius Caesar (brother of the emperor Antoninus) was in battle. The account says that some soldiers of the Melitene legion (which apparently included some Christians) offered prayer to God and a storm came which both sent lightening to push away the enemy and rain to satisfy the thirst of the Romans.

Eusebius says this account is relayed through secular historians though they do not say that “it happened through the prayers of the Christians.” Note: K. Lake says the incident is relayed by Dio Cassius and by Marcus Aurelius. Eusebius also says it was recorded by Apolinarius (who said this was the reason of these soldier being called the “Thundering Legion”) and Tertullian.

At the close of chapter 5 and continuing in chapter 6, Eusebius notes that after the martyrdom of Pothinus at age 90, Irenaeus, “a listener of Polycarp,” succeeded him as bishop at Lyons. And Ireneanus listed the bishops of Rome in book 3 of Against Heresies.

The bishops of Rome, after the apostles:

Linus
Anencletus
Clement (mention is made of his epistle to Corinth)
Everestus
Alexander
Xystus
Telesphorus (who was “martyred gloriously”)
Hyginus
Pius
Anicetus
Soter
Eleutherus

The list thus has twelve in all to this point.

Conclusion:

These chapters commend Irenaeus and also show the importance of the church at Rome, the capital of the empire in early Christianity, and the desire to trace a line within that church through the bishops to the apostles, as had also been done in other key cities in early Christianity.

JTR

Friday, November 15, 2019

Eusebius, EH.5.2-3: The Piety of the Martyrs



This is an occasional series of readings from and brief notes and commentary upon Eusebius of Caesarea’s The Ecclesiastical History: Book 5, chapters 2-3. Listen here.

Notes and Commentary:

These chapters continue to discuss the piety and faithfulness of the early Christian martyrs.

In chapter 2 it is noted that the martyrs, out of humility, refused the title of being called martyrs but instead pointed to Christ himself as “the faithful and true martyr (witness).”

A form of the term “confessors” is also used to describe those who suffered for the faith.

The confessors and martyrs are also compared to Stephen, “the perfect martyr,” from Acts 7,  in that, like Stephen they prayed for the very persons who tortured them and put them to death.

It is noted that the martyrs loved peace but were treated brutally.

Chapter 3 begins with an anecdote about a certain Alcibiades who was fasting even in jail, taking only bread and water, but who was exhorted by Attalus not to deny the goodness of creation (a form or ascetic Gnosticism?), so that he began to eat normally with thanksgiving to God.

From there it mentions the spread of the teaching of those of “the party of Montanus and Alicibiades [the aforementioned ascetic prisoner?] and Theodotus in Phyrgia” who claimed to be prophets, and how the Christian of Gaul helped by letters from the imprisoned martyrs were able to make a “pious and orthodox” judgement on the Montanists, thus even while in prison the martyrs served as ambassadors, keeping “the peace of the churches.”

Conclusion:

These chapters continue to praise the early martyrs, but they also indicate the diversity of Christians during these times and the distinctions that were bring drawn between the orthodox and the heterodox, both of whom were being imprisoned and persecuted.

JTR

The Vision (11.15.19): Unseasonable leniency toward ungodliness



Image: Berries, North Garden, VA, November 2019

Note: Devotion taken from last Sunday's sermon on 1 Kings 20.

“And the king of Israel went to his house heavy and displeased, and came to Samaria” (1 Kings 20:43).

1 Kings 20 ends with the note that king Ahab went away “heavy and displeased” (v. 43). This morose state of mind came about after the king was rebuked by God’s prophet for sparing the life of Israel’s enemy, Benhadad of Syria. The prophet announces the Lord’s condemnation of Ahab, “Because thou hast let go out of thy hand a man whom I had appointed to utter destruction….” (v. 42). The spiritual problem here is that Ahab had extended unseasonably leniency to an ungodly enemy.

We might draw spiritual lessons from Ahab’s actions. The Puritans used to speak about “bosom” sins and “darling” sins. These are sins that are nurtured and held close, which bring compromise and destruction. John Owen said, “We must kill sin, or sin will kill us.”

If I were to choose a parallel passage from Christ’s teaching to illustrate this point it would be his teaching in the Sermon on the Mount when he said, “if thy eye offend thee, pluck it out, and cast it from thee” and “if thy right hand offend thee, cut it off, and cast, it from thee” (Matt 5:29-30). Holiness requires radical surgery. It requires the removal of “bosom” and “darling” sins.

There are some interesting descriptions of Ahab in these final chapters of 1 Kings. Ahab’s spiritual state is debated (cf. 1 Kings 21:27-29). When rebuked here, he walks away “heavy and displeased”. There is never, however, any sign of Ahab expressing the kind of contrition that David did in Psalm 51, after he was rebuked by Nathan. Ahab expresses a carnal form of repentance, but not an “evangelical” form of repentance. The apostle Paul makes a distinction between “godly” sorrow and “the sorrow of the world” (2 Cor 7:9-10).

May the Lord keep us from unseasonable leniency toward sin and ungodliness in our lives, and may he grant us “godly sorrow that worketh repentance to salvation” (2 Cor 7:10) and not mere “worldly” sorrow.

Grace and peace, Pastor Jeff Riddle

Thursday, November 14, 2019

Minuscule 2817 on Ephesians 3:9



Thanks to "CC" who discovered at least one minuscule which includes the TR reading for Ephesians 3:9. The manuscript is 2817 which the INTF dates to c. 1000-1099 is located in the Universitätsbibliothek Basel. This may well have been at least one of the mss. which Erasmus consulted in preparing his Greek NT of 1516.

Here’s the note from CC posted to the comments on the WM 138 blogpost:

Ah, I found a manuscript that reads κοινωνία: 2817 from the 11th century (according the Scrivener and the INTF). It's in the INTF's NTVMR, page ID 5190. Apparently this is where Erasmus got the reading from.

Here’s a big picture image of a section from the larger page (ID 5190):


Here is a closeup featuring the variant in question in Ephesians 3:9 in the main text (left side of big picture above): τις η κοινωνια του μυστηριου.


And here is a closeup of η κοινωνια in the main text:


Here is a closeup featuring the variant in question in Ephesians 3:9 in the side annotation (right side of big picture above): τις η κοινωνια του μυστηριου.

And a closeup of η κοινωνια in the side annotation:


JTR

Note: Post updated on 11/17/19. Thanks to CC and Elijah Hixson for their help in understanding and navigating 2817.

WM 139: Book Discussion: The Doctrines of Grace



Word Magazine 139: Book Discussion: The Doctrines of Grace is posted. Listen here.

In this episode Ethan McGonigal interviews me about a book we have produced in our church’s publishing ministry. The book:

Jeffrey T. Riddle, The Doctrines of Grace: An Introduction to the Five Points of Calvinism (Trumpet Books, 2019).


JTR

Wednesday, November 13, 2019

WM 138: Text Note: Ephesians 3:9


I have posted WM 138: Text Note: Ephesians 3:9. Listen here.

A popular internet apologist (PIA) has recently suggested that Ephesians 3:9 is a “blatant error” in the TR, and, therefore, this poses a supposedly insurmountable “defeater” for the Confessional Text position.

Is this, in fact, the case? Is defense of the TR, in general, and the TR reading in Ephesians 3:9, in particular, completely irrational?

Let’s look at the evidence by posing a series of five questions and responses:

First: What is the supposed “blatant error” in the TR of Ephesians 3:9?

The controversy in Ephesians 3:9 involves the TR reading η κοινωνια του μυστηριου, “the fellowship of the mystery” (as translated in Tyndale, Geneva, KJV). In the modern critical text the reading is η οικονομια του μυστηριου, “the plan of the mystery” (ESV) or “the administration of the mystery” (NASB).

The controversy here is really about one single word:

TR: η κοινωνια

MCT: η οικονομια

We can immediately see that the words are very similar in form to one another, and we can see how there might easily have been scribal confusion between the two words. One has 8 letters and the other 9 letters. Every letter in κοινωνια appears in οικονομια, except one: omega. Both words end in iota alpha.

Second: Why is it argued that the MCT reading is superior to the TR reading in Ephesians 3:9?

A friend shared a FB post from the aforementioned PIA which begins:

There is no evidence to my knowledge (manuscript, patristic, versional, inscriptional) within the first 1000 years of church history of anyone reading Ephesians 3:9 as "the fellowship of the mystery" (ἡ κοινωνία τοῦ μυστηρίου). The reading is unquestioned: it is "the administration/plan of the mystery" (ἡ οἰκονομία τοῦ μυστηρίου).
We should note that this argument against the TR reading is entirely based on the external evidence.
Let’s begin with some analysis of the Greek manuscript evidence, which is generally the most important.
Among current extant Greek manuscripts, of all eras, the Majority reading is indeed η οικονομια. In fact, the external evidence is so overwhelming that the NA28 does not even list any variants at this point in its critical apparatus.
Bruce Metzger, however, offers the following comments on this variant in his Textual Commentary, Second Edition (1994): “The Textus Receptus, in company with a scattering of late minuscules, replaces οἰκονομία with the interpretive gloss κοινωνία (hence AV “fellowship”). The true reading is supported by p46, all known uncials, almost all minuscules, all known versions, and patristic quotations” (535).
Though Metzger, unsurprisingly, dismisses the Greek ms. support for the traditional reading as confirmed only by “a scattering of late minuscules”, he does, at least, acknowledge that this reading is present in the Greek ms. tradition.
This brings up an important related point, which the intrepid PIA seems always to overlook in throwing out random objection passages to the TR like this one. Namely, those who prefer the TR readily and openly acknowledge that it is an eclectic text. It is not based on the Majority text. Many of its readings are found in the Majority text (like the traditional ending of Mark), but some are based on a minority tradition. The PIA seems completely oblivious to this point.
It seems particularly odd for the PIA to reject the TR reading at Ephesians 3:9 based on the fact that it is not the Majority reading since, supposedly, he is not himself an advocate for the Majority text but, instead, embraces an eclectic method (reasoned eclecticism). We might call the TR “providential eclecticism.”

Side Note: There is another variant in Ephesians 3:9 that involves the prepositional phrase at the end of the verse, “through Jesus Christ.” In this case the Majority text and the TR both include the phrase while the MCT rejects it. If the PIA supports the Majority text in the case of the “fellowship/plan” variant, why not accept it here also? Why not follow the Majority text in passages like Mark 16:9-20?

Furthermore, the PIA expresses great confidence in the new CBGM, despite the fact that in the NA28 it favors a reading in 2 Peter 3:10 based on NO extant Greek mss.! There seems to be a problem with consistency.
Third: What about the Greek manuscript evidence for Ephesians 3:9?
When the PIA proclaims that the TR reading does not appear in any manuscripts in the course of over 1,000 years of church history that initially sounds quite overwhelming.
But we should remember the wisdom of Solomon, who said, “He that is first in his own cause seemeth just; but his neighbor cometh and searcheth him” (Proverbs 18:17).
This leads us to another major problem with the PIA’s analysis of this textual variant at Ephesians 3:9: His analysis (or failure to provide sufficient analysis) of the Greek manuscript evidence regarding this reading.
To begin, can we ask the PIA to list for us the minority of minuscules (acknowledged by Metzger) which include the TR reading, along with their suggested dates in order to verify that none of these appear before the eleventh century? If the PIA cannot list these, does this indicate that he has offered this challenge without first doing a proper analytical study of this variant?
Even if he can substantiate his claim, would he not agree that even late mss. sometimes contain the earliest readings? On this see Greg Lanier’s chapter “Dating Myths, Part Two: How later manuscripts can be better manuscripts” in Myths and Mistakes in New Testament Textual Criticism (110-131).
Again, we are not denying that the TR reading is a late minority reading at this point, but this does not mean ipso facto that it is a “blatant error”?
To continue, we might ask for specific information about the earliest Greek manuscript evidence for Ephesians 3:9. When we look more closely, in fact, we find that the total early Greek manuscript evidence for Ephesians 3:9 is extremely thin.
A quick check of the INTF online Liste for Ephesians 3:9 reveals that there are only 6 extant Greek manuscripts containing this verse that are dated pre-AD 800. See this table:
Early mss. containing Eph 3:9
Mss. estimated dates by century
P46
III
01
IV
02
V
03
IV
04
V
06
VI

So, according to the INTF date estimates, there are 0 mss. pre-AD 225, and there is only one ms. pre-AD 300 (p46). The earliest ms. we have of Ephesians is at best c. 250-300 years after the letter was written.
To push a little further regarding the early mss. evidence, I took a look at James R. Royse’s chapter on “The Early Text of Paul (and Hebrews)” in Charles E. Hills & Michael J. Kruger, eds., The Early Text of the New Testament (Oxford University Press, 2012, 2014): 175-203.
Royse notes that there are only 20 extant mss. (19 papyri and 1 majuscule) from the Pauline corpus that are plausibly date before AD 350 (175).
He provides a table of these mss., most of which are highly fragmentary (Table 10, 176-177).
Of these 20 mss. only 3 have any portion of Ephesians:
Mss. with Ephesians
Date according to Royse
content
p46
c. 200
all
p49
III
Eph 4:16-19, 4:32-5:13
p92
III/IV
Eph 1:11-13, 1:19-21

Regarding p46 Royse describes its textual quality as “free” (Table 10, 177). Later Royse says the text of p46 is “basically Alexandrian, but it often supports readings found in D F G and even the occasional Byzantine reading (such as Eph. 5:9)” (181). Royse suggests “one aspect of a scholarly concern for the text” of p46 is found in its “corrections” (181). He adds: “These number 183, of which possibly 109 are by the scribe, 56 are by the second hand, 14 by the third hand, and 4 by the fourth hand” (181-182). He also notes that it contains 639 “singular readings”, adding, “The overall tendency to omit is clearly evidenced in these numbers” (183). Royse adds that another important aspect of the p46’s copying is “a tendency to harmonize to the content” (183).
So, to sum up, let’s break down the Greek ms. evidence for this variant at Ephesians 3:9 for the first three centuries of early Christianity:
In the first century (up to AD 100): no extant Greek mss. support η κοινωνια, and none support η οικονομια.

In the second century (up to AD 200): no extant Greek mss. support η κοινωνια, and none support η οικονομια.

In the third century (up to AD 300): no extant Greek mss. support η κοινωνια, while one ms. supports η οικονομια.

We readily acknowledge that there is no early Greek ms. support for the TR reading η κοινωνια, but we also recognize that there is almost no early Greek manuscript evidence for the MCT reading of η οικονομια. Yes, η οικονομια is the reading found in the five early uncials and became the Majority reading, but this does not mean that the modern critical method can prove it is the original reading, and, in fact, contemporary text critics would be loathe to say that they can do any such thing, given the evidence.

This illustrates a key point in my lecture presentations at the T & CC which has been completely ignored by the PIA in his responses so far: the fact that we have very little early manuscript evidence for the NT. So little, in fact, that it makes the entire “reconstruction” method suspect. As Wasserman and Gurry state in an illustration I shared in my final lecture at the T & CC, the evidence from the extant NT mss. is more like a “watercolor” than a “topographical map” of the NT and you would not want to rely on it to “find your way out of the forest”!
Aside from the overall shift from modern to postmodern methodology, this acknowledgement of the meager and often fragmentary early Greek NT ms. evidence (including the papyri!) is a major reason that the stated goal of contemporary text critics is not to find the “original autograph” but merely to approximate the “initial text” (Augsgangstext) of the first few centuries.
This makes the PIA’s declaration that the TR reading at Ephesians 3:9 is a “blatant error” all the more inconsistent with the current academic method he supposedly embraces.
Fourth, what about the versional and patristic evidence for the variant at Ephesians 3:9?
Though we have noted that the key evidence should generally be the Greek mss., we should also address the PIA’s charge that the versional and patristic witnesses to this textual variant also serve as a “defeater” for the TR.
Regarding the versional evidence, we should note several key things to keep in mind:
First, the PIA never provides any specific examples from the versions for our comparison and analysis.
Second, the versions were generally produced later and do not provide earliest or direct evidence for the text.
Third, study of the versions also requires more detailed linguistic analysis and comparison. One thing that should be pointed out is that the Greek words η κοινωνια and η οικονομια might have some possible overlap in meaning, so that either word might have been rendered by the same term in the receptor language. Though η κοινωνια is usually rendered as “fellowship” in English, the lexicons remind us that it also has the sense of “association”, “generosity”, or a “gift” given as a “sign of fellowship” (cf. Phil 1:5, etc.). Likewise, the lexicons remind us that the the noun η οικονομια also has the meaning of “stewardship”, as it is used in near context at Ephesians 3:2 where Paul speaks about the οικονομια of the grace of God which has been given to him for the Ephesians.
A thorough study of the versional evidence would require an examination of how each receptor language rendered the Greek terms η κοινωνια and η οικονομια, and whether they generally used two distinct words for each term (as in Latin) or whether the same word was ever used for both terms. If the latter is the case, then it is possible that a version would not, in fact, provide definitive evidence as to which Greek word undergirds the version.
Regarding patristics, we can raise similar concerns. Most importantly, no specific examples are given. How many times do we find references to Ephesians 3:9 in the church fathers? How do we know if the citation was a direct quotation or a paraphrase? Was the father citing from the Greek text or from a translation?
Fifth, why did the Protestant Reformed embrace and affirm the TR of Ephesians 3:9 rather than the Majority reading?
There can be little doubt that the Protestant Reformed knew that “fellowship” was not the Majority reading of the Greek mss., but they consistently recognized this as the true text.
This is one of those texts where the “which TR” argument does not seem to apply in that it is the reading found in the family of printed TR editions.
It is there in the 1516 of Erasmus, the 1550 of Stephanus, and the 1598 of Beza:


Image: Ephesians 3:9 in Erasmus's Greek NT 1516


Image: Ephesians 3:9 in Beza's Greek NT 1598

Interestingly enough, it is also there in the Colinaeus Greek NT of 1534, a text which very often follows readings found in today’s modern critical text, and was the text used by Calvin in his early ministry, before he embraced the TR as his preferred text of the Greek NT.

Image: Ephesians 3:9 in Colinaeus's Greek NT 1534
We might add that the TR reading also clearly departed from the Latin Vulgate which followed the Majority Greek text and read “dispensatio sacramenti” (cf. Erasmus’s Latin above: “communio mysterii”).

On what basis did the Reformed men affirm “fellowship” here as the true reading, over against the Majority Greek ms. tradition? We do not know. It is certainly possible that they had access to Greek mss. which are no longer available to us.
Those who scoff at this notion (like the PIA), should consult Jacob W. Peterson’s recent contribution to Elijah Hixon and Peter J. Gurry, eds. Myths and Mistakes in New Testament Textual Criticism. Peterson’s chapter three is titled “Math Myths: How Many Manuscripts We Have and Why More Isn’t Always Better” (48-69). In a section on the loss of manuscripts, Peterson notes, “Another factor affecting our manuscript count is loss” (54). He notes that even in the INTF Liste 136 mss. are listed as “Besitzer unbekannt” or “owner unknown”, adding, “there are a number of ways this happens, ranging from accidental to illegal” (54). He also observes, “Manuscripts are lost through more natural causes such as fires, floods, and insects” (55). Manuscripts 1257-1259 from a school in Izmir are listed as “burnt” (55). Manuscripts like 241 and 2039 were damaged or destroyed in the firebombing of Dresden in WW2 (55). Peterson adds that “numerous early manuscripts, such as 062, catalogued in Damascus, Syria” are listed as “owner unknown” (55).
Then consider that Peterson is only addressing manuscripts that were once known by modern scholars and appear on the current Liste that have been lost or destroyed. What about all the ones that were never catalogued or photographed in modern times?
The PIA does not seem to acknowledge the fact that the printed editions of the TR may serve as witnesses to mss. that are no longer extant.
In the end, we can only be sure that in the providence of God the reading “the fellowship of the mystery” was that preserved in the TR. It was the Greek text that became the basis for the Protestant translations of Europe that brought the Reformed faith to the masses. It was the text studied, taught, and preached in the Reformation and Post-Reformation eras, and it remains the preferred text of Scripture embraced by countless thousands of faithful churches and Christians today.
So Calvin would write in his commentary on Ephesians 3:9: “The publication of the gospel is called a fellowship, because it is the will of God that his purpose, which had formerly been hidden, shall now be shared by men.” 
Conclusion:
It is only in the modern era that “Reformed” men have abandoned the traditional text for the modern reconstructed text. In so doing they have embraced a religious epistemology that abandons stability, continuity, and consistency.
We do not believe, in the end, that it is irrational or irreligious or irresponsible to embrace the traditional Protestant text of the Christian Scriptures, rather than the ever-changing, every-evolving modern critical text based on an empirical method with origins in the Enlightenment (“Enlightenment Text-Onlyism”).

Summary on Ephesians 3:9
  • The TR is an eclectic text and is not based merely on the reading of the earliest or the Majority of the extant Greek manuscripts. Therefore, the fact that texts like Ephesians 3:9, are based on a later minority reading, is not necessarily a “defeater” for the TR position.
  • There is, in fact, very little early Greek manuscript evidence for the Pauline epistles, for the book of Ephesians, and, especially, for Ephesians 3:9.
  • The Confessional Text position rejects the reconstructionist method of modern text criticism, in part, because there is not enough extant Greek manuscript evidence to justify this approach.
  • Reformed pastors and scholars of the Reformation era, based on evidence and reasoning that may no longer be available or discernable to us, providentially affirmed “the fellowship of the mystery” in Ephesians 3:9 as the fitting reading of the received text.
  • The printed editions of the TR may serve as witnesses to Greek mss. of the NT that are no longer available to us.
  • There is no compelling reason to abandon the TR in our times and many convincing reasons as to why it should continue to be affirmed by faithful Christians instead of the Enlightenment text.
JTR