Showing posts with label HBU Erasmus Conference. Show all posts
Showing posts with label HBU Erasmus Conference. Show all posts

Thursday, March 03, 2016

Word Magazine # 48: Conversation with Chris Thomas


Image:  JTR and Chris Thomas at HBU.

One of the benefits of attending the Erasmus Conference last week in Houston was getting the chance to meet Chris Thomas face to face.  Chris, from Greenville, Texas, hosts the Confessional Bibliology website and organizes the Confessional Bibliology Facebook group.  We sat down at the HBU conference between sessions and had a brief conversation debriefing the Erasmus conference and the emerging Confessional Text movement.  I have posted our discussion as WM # 48 (listen here).

JTR


HBU Erasmus Conference Notes: Lecture 4: Herman Selderhuis on Erasmus' Influence on the Reformation (2.27.16)


Image:  Dr. Selderhuis ponders a question during the Q & A session after his lecture.


Lecture 4:  Herman Selderhuis, The Impact of Erasmus’ Biblical Work on the Reformation

Note:  Selderhuis is professor of Church History at the Theological University Apeldoorn in the Netherlands, author of John Calvin:  A Pilgrim’s Life, and president of the International Calvin Congress (among other distinctions).

I have also posted the audio of this lecture to sermonaudio.com (look here).


Image:  Anonymous Dutch engraving t'Licht is op den kandelaer gestelt (c. 1640-1684).

HS started with a picture (above) of Reformers sitting at a table around a candle with RCs attempting to blow it out.  Who is missing?  Erasmus.  Where should he be, with the papists or reformers?  In the end he was rejected by both Protestants and RCs.  HS says he should be on the Reformers’ side.

1.  Philosophia Christi

HS questions whether Erasmus was really more interested in the Latin than the Greek with his Novum Instrumentum.  He wanted to make the Bible accessible to all.  He wanted to pursue a Biblical based spirituality.

He gives an interesting quote from Erasmus in which he pointed to the Muslim devotion to the Koran and said Christians should correspondingly be committed to the Bible.

He gives a quote where Erasmus says he wishes the Bible to be in vernacular:  “I vehemently dissent from those who would not have private persons read the Holy Scriptures nor have them translated into the vulgar tongues…  I should like all women to read the Gospel and the Epistles of Paul.  Would that they were translated into all languages…..”

2.  Hermeneutics

Erasmus’ Annotations were included with the Greek and Latin text.  He propagated ad fontes but not without his own fontes!

Erasmus said God intentionally put obscure things in the Bible but he would explain these.

His rule for how to read Scripture was the loci method.

He also published his Paraphrases.

He used the “accommodation” method.  He believed each word conveyed a message.  God’s people have forgotten God, because they have neglected the NT.  This why the text and grammar are so important.  He urged his contemporaries not to seek Christ in relics but in text.  This is the grammatical-rhetorical method.  Translations are helpful but we must read the originals.

Erasmus:  “Latin scholarship, however elaborate, is maimed and reduced by half without Greek…..”

3.  Samples of Reformers

Luther makes use of Erasmus as soon as his work appears.

Erasmus’ Annotations were influential.  Example:  In Ephesians he notes that the text says marriage is a mysterion not a sacramentum.  He asks, Does this mean marriage is not a sacrament?  Erasmus asks but does not answer.  HS suggests his low view of his birth made him unwilling to give answers.

Zwingli had many works of Erasmus in his library.  He knew the whole NT in Greek.  He said Erasmus deserved praise.

Philip Melanchthon, whom Erasmus called Ille graeculuos, that little Greek guy, also read Erasmus.

Martin Bucer owned many books of Erasmus.  His influence is seen in Bucer’s exegetical works.  Compare his views on marriage and divorce.  Bucer listed 15 grounds for divorce.

Menno Simons.  He used Erasmus’ work as a tool.

John Calvin was perhaps the most faithful follower of Erasmus.  He often disagrees with him, but even these show his interest in his work.  Erasmus’ influence is seen in Calvin’s use of the concept of “accommodation.”

4.  Claritas Scripturae

Erasmus believed God put obscurity in text on purpose.  Some things could not be understood.  This is why there must be church authority of there will be exegetical chaos (as among Protestants).  At the same time, Erasmus often questioned church interpretations and spoke of the value of individual interpretation.

5.  Conclusion

HS noted the following in conclusion on Erasmus’s Biblical work and its influence on the Reformation:

Intensive but independent.
Philology not exegesis.
Methodology not theology.
Power of the text..
Ad fontes.
Theological curriculum.
Knowledge of Hebrew (I think he was pointing out that Erasmus did not learn Hebrew and that, though known today for tolerance, he was, in fact, often anti-Semitic).

JTR Analysis:

This was a very solid and thoughtful presentation.  IMHO, it was the best plenary talk of the conference.  HS pointed out how the significance of Erasmus for the Reformation is not merely his production of the first printed Greek text, but his method, including his focus on the importance of the original language, text criticism, the focus on verbal communication (each word important), etc. 

HBU Erasmus Conference Notes: Lecture 3: Dan Wallace on Erasmus' Greek New Testament (2.26.16)


Image:  Dan Wallace of Dallas Seminary speaks at the HBU Erasmus Conference.

Afternoon breakout session (2.26.16):

Jeff Cade, Martin Luther and the Reliability of the NT Manuscript tradition.


Cade noted that Luther was not a text critic but he did examine and make a number of textual decisions reflected in his translations.  He points to the following places where conjectures are found in Luther’s NT:  Acts 13:20; John 18:13-14, 24; James 4:2; 1 Corinthians 16:22; Romans 3:28.

Jeff Riddle, John Calvin and Text Criticism (see here).

Session III:  Dan Wallace:  Erasmus and the Publication of the First Greek NT

DW says Erasmus used only seven manuscripts, and he thinks he might only have used three.

Erasmus’ Novum Testamentum was rejected by Catholics and embraced by Protestants.
DW says there were imperfections in Eramus.  There was a rush job in printing, that resulted in “hundreds and hundreds of errors.”  There were Latin interpolations, as at Acts 9:4-6 and Revelation 22:17-22.  See especially “book of life” versus “tree of life” at Rev 22:19.

There was also the notorious inclusion of the Comma Johanneum in the third edition. Erasmus asked a friend to check Codex B.  DW says a scribe working at Oxford seems to have “made to order” a complete Greek NT ms (Codex 61) that had the CJ.

DW reported that the CJ now found in 9 mss (4 in text and 5 in margin).  The earliest is from the 10th century.  DW wonders if more will be found.

Erasmus’ work was a great success.  Over 300,000 (!) copies were printed and circulated.

JTR Analysis:

Wallace offered few surprises in his presentation on Erasmus. He was appreciative of Eramus' work but sees the modern critical text as superior. He perpetuated the “rush to print” storyline. To his credit, he noted that the “rash vow" story on the CJ is not historically reliable but then proceeded to covey the related account of Codex 61 as created by Froy/Roy.

In the Q and A I asked about the number of papyri and later Greek mss. we have of 1 John. To say we only have 9 mss. with the CJ sounds devastating but there may not be that many extant mss. or early fragments of 1 John, so that the number that have the CJ might, in fact, be fairly respectable. DW did not know the details on the number of 1 John mss. off-hand.

Wednesday, March 02, 2016

John Calvin and Text Criticism


Image:  A closeup from part of Erasmus' Annotations on the book of Acts, at the Dunham Bible Museum at Houston Baptist University.

Note:  I presented a short paper in the afternoon beak-out session last Friday (2.26.16) at the HBU Erasmus Conference on "John Calvin and Text Criticism." It was a challenge to compress a 6,000 word essay into a 30 minute presentation. I have posted an audio recording of the paper to sermonaudio.com (listen here).  Below is an abstract of the paper:

It is sometimes suggested that the foundational theologians and preachers of the Protestant Reformation era, including John Calvin, were largely unaware of many of the disputed textual passages in the Greek New Testament.  They used the printed editions of the Textus Receptus Greek New Testament out of necessity, convenience or ignorance rather than conviction.  It is further suggested that many of the most significant textual disputes regarding the New Testament came to light only in the modern era, after the discovery and printing of uncial manuscripts (like Codex Sinaiticus) and papyri.  Thus, it is assumed that if the Protestant Reformers had the information which we now have today they would eagerly embrace the modern critical text of the Greek New Testament.   This paper will explore and challenge these assumptions by offering a survey and examination of John Calvin’s exegetical treatment of various disputed New Testament passages in his writings, especially in his commentaries and in his Institutes of the Christian Religion.   Passages surveyed include:  the doxology of the Lord’s Prayer (Matthew 6:13b); the Pericope Adulterae (John 7:53—8:11); the Mystery of Godliness passage (1 Timothy 3:16); and the Comma Johanneum (1 John 5:7b-8a).  It argues that Calvin, in particular, was well aware of many of the textual challenges in the Greek New Testament, but he nevertheless affirmed the Textus Receptus, for theological and convictional reasons.  This, in turn, shaped a doctrinal trajectory on the theology of Scripture reflected in the classic Reformed confessions and in the Bibliology of later orthodox Protestant theologians.

JTR

Tuesday, March 01, 2016

HBU Erasmus Conference Notes: Lecture 2: Craig A. Evans on Erasmus and "Textual Fundamentalism" (2.26.16 AM)


Image:  Craig A. Evans speaks at the HBU Erasmus Conference.

Session II: Craig A. Evans:  Erasmus and the Beginnings of Textual Fundamentalism.

CE notes that Erasmus used seven mss. to create his NT.  His focus initially seems to be on the Latin and later shifted to the Greek.

The influence of the text of Eramsus:  The editions of Stephus and Beza.  The second edition of the Elzevirs gave us the textus receptus.  The KJV translators depended on TR.

CE suggests that with the TR began textual fundamentalism.  It laid a foundation for a new form of fundamentalism.  The idea of a text with no errors arrives in this period with the standard printed text.  He draws a parallel with the quest for the ipsissima verba Jesu.  He says we have autographa of ancient works and copies always vary.  With printing of identical texts the view emerged of an error-free original text.

He cites the discovery of new mss. including papyri, the discovery of new variants, and a harmonizing tendency in the Byzantine texts.  Fundamentalists tried to defend the text and were threatened by a crisis of faith.

CE draws a parallel to differences among the Synoptic Gospels. Evans assumes Markan priority.  He says that most traditional Christians are not aware of the fact that the Gospels were edited and that the sayings of Jesus were edited.  Pastors should teach this to their people, he says.

He surveys Jewish and Greco-Roman views on history and rhetoric and says they overlapped. He cites the classic study Hellenism in Jewish Palestine by Saul Lieberman, which argued that Jewish scholarship was heavily indebted to Hellenism.  More recently Jaffe has come to the same conclusions.

CE says that the discrepancies in the Gospels begin with Jesus himself.  How do we know this?  We have the handbooks from antiquity.  Young Greeks began by memorizing brief anecdotes (chreia).  As the student progressed he began to assert these in his argument and to string together several.  He learned how to introduce them.  He was permitted to edit these and was indeed required to by necessity.  Change in wording was not prohibited nor was expansion or abbreviation.  The focus was on clarity.  CE is dismayed that most traditional Christians are unaware of this.

He says this view was also present in the pre-print culture up to the time of the TR.  A change takes place with Guttenberg.

We see this comfort with variety in the ancient historians.  He cites various accounts of the Roman Emperor Otho.  CE says the Gospel writers were not tape recorders but disciples.  He cites Matt 13:32 describing scribes bringing out treasures old and new. CE says Jesus did not expect his disciples simply to repeat his words verbatim.

He cites Dale Martin who said Bart Ehrman let text study ruin his faith because he had an inadequate theology of the Bible.  CE recommends Christian Smith, The Bible Made Impossible:  Why Biblicism Is Not a Truly Evangelical Reading of Scripture.

JTR Analysis:

There was more than a little which I found unsettling about this presentation. CE represents the assumptions and approach of a classic evangelical “restorationist” approach.  There was, for example, no mention of the doctrine of the preservation of Scripture.  Those who seek stability in the Biblical text are “textual fundamentalists.”

I also have questions about some of the historical statements.  Examples:  He stressed how Jewish scholarship was affected by Hellenism, but does not tell us how it was also different.  If ancient Jews, like ancient Greeks, were as comfortable with differences in texts, variants, etc., as CE suggests, and did not expect precision in transmission why were the Masoretes so meticulous in their care for the OT text?

In the discussion period I raised a related question about the early Christians.  If they were so comfortable with diversity in the NT text and in supposed differences in the Synoptic accounts of Jesus due to the chreia pedagogy, why was there such an early effort to harmonize the Gospel accounts (see, e.g., Tatian’s Diatessaron)?  As regards the Church Fathers, what about Augustine’s efforts to harmonize the Gospels?  And in later church history, why did Calvin harmonize the Pentateuch in his OT commentaries and the Synoptic Gospels in his NT commentaries?  Can it be that desire for harmony, agreement, and uniformity existed prior to the printing press (and the TR)?

I also asked about another seeming logical inconsistency.  On one hand, CE says there is a harmonizing tendency in the textual tradition.  On the other hand, he then tells us that the ancients were comfortable with differences and variants among texts!  If they were so comfortable with these variants, why did they supposedly harmonize them?

One valuable thing I gained from this lecture: The realization of parallel issues regarding modern text criticism and modern “Synoptic Problem” criticism.

I also could not help thinking that what Protestant liberals suggested in the nineteenth century, modern evangelicals have thoroughly embraced in the twenty-first century (e.g., Markan priority, Q, rational eclecticism, etc.).

Friday AM Breakout Sessions

Gregory Barnhill and Natalie R. Webb, “Tolle Lege:  Reader’s Aids and Nomina Sacra in Early Christian Mss.”

First half:  Readers’ aids developed in Christian texts as they were read.  Presenters say there was a shift in 2-3 century with emergence of the office of lector.  Some have suggested that the letter carrier was the reader.  Reading aloud was an act of interpretation that needed to be done correctly.

They showed images of Codex B with paragraph division lines with raised dot and over-lining.  There are a variety of dots in the text, which they interpret as reading notes:  raised dots (end of complete thought; major pause); middle dot (take a breath); lower dot (shorter break).

Hurtado and others have suggested early origins for these reading helps.

Second half:  Nomina sacra.  Why these 15 words?  Unknown.  They focused on Israel as nomina sacra. Was it one way Christians staked their claim on this term?  They note that the Church Fathers’ use of Israel as a term in Barnabas, Justin Martyr (church as the true Israel), Irenaeus, Tertullian, etc.

This paper shows shift of interpretative traditions in text.

Timothy Bartel, When Virgil met St. Simeon:  Luke’s Canticle in Juvenicus.

Juvencus used Virgil’s hexameter verse style to paraphrase the Nunc Dimitis in Luke 2.

Stanley Helton, Origen and the Endings of Mark’s Gospel.

Metzger said Origen did not know the end of Mark’s Gospel.  But it has been pointed out that Origen also shows no evidence of knowing Mark 2 or 5 or even 16:1-8 at all.  Rather we have to learn about Origen’s approach to texts generally.

In Origen’s neglect of Mark generally, we see the church’s preference for Matthew over Mark.

Thompson showed Origen’s Mark was closest to Codex L (019), a ms. Similar to Vaticanus.  Helton suggests Origen would have known a tradition that Mark ended at 16:8.  See also Eusebius’ citation on the ending of Mark that most trace to Origen.

If you include Origen’s early work, his text of NT is closer to L.  In later years he shifted more to the so-called Caesarean text (so like Theta, 565, 700).

We know Irenaeus used the ending of Mark, and it is likely Origen would have read it.

Helton’s conclusion:  Origen would have known Mark ending at 16:8; the shorter ending, and the longer ending.

HBU Erasmus Conference Notes: Lecture 1: Timothy George on Erasmus and the Christian Life (2.25.16)



The 2016 Theology Conference at Houston Baptist University was titled “Ad Fontes, Ad Futura:  Erasmus’ Bible and the Impact of Scripture.”  The conference theme was in honor of the 500 year anniversary of Erasmus’ Novum Instrumentum omne (1516) which provided the first printed Greek NT and became the basis for the so-called Textus Receptus.  The conference was held February 25-27, 2016 Thursday evening to Saturday morning.  There were four plenary lectures and four break sessions.  Here are my notes from session one (2.25.16):

Session 1:  Timothy George, “Erasmus and the Search for the Christian Life”

TG is dean of the Beeson Divinity School at Samford University in Birmingham, AL. TG noted that it is good to smell the printer’s ink in Basel before moving to the anniversary of Luther in 2017.

Who was Erasmus?  What made him tick?  How did the Greek NT fit into his thought?
TG says he is the most tragic of the Reformers (?), living at the confluence of Renaissance and Reformation.  Though he remained RC, by 1559 all of Erasmus’ works were put on the banned index.

What did he look like?  According to an early biographer who was his friend he had a fair complexion and blue-ish gray eyes.  He was winsome, reticent, a brilliant conversationalist.  He had arched eyebrows, wry smile.  He had a delicate constitution.
He was one of the world’s first best-selling authors.  He was always on the move, always traveling.  There were FOEs (Friends of Erasmus) all over the world.

He was at Cambridge from 1511-1514 (dates?).  He worked there on the Greek NT and on the letters of Jerome.

He was the first well-known public intellectual.  He knew he played a unique role in introducing the world to new learning.  He believed he had awakened the world from its “pharisaical slumber.”

He brought together the classical and Christian traditions, the good and the sacred.

In April 1517 Erasmus wrote to Pope Leo X:  “If ever there was a golden age there is good hope there will be on in our time.”  He was filled with optimism and hope.  He had ties with the Pope and with the kings of Europe.  Soon, however, the earthquake of Luther’s Reformation would come.  Erasmus would eventually flee Basel due to uproar over the Reformation.  He later called it the worst century since Jesus Christ.

The formation of Erasmus:  He was born the illegitimate son of a Dutch priest.  We must be careful of psychoanalyzing, but this was certainly a cloud over his life.  His enemies often threw this in his face.  Is this why he moved so much?  He even backdated his birth.  He lost his parents in the Plague.  He was 13 when his mother died.  Many of his fellow students also died.  Luther also had a brush with death in the thunderstorm.  Whereas his experience gave Luther a combative nature, Erasmus would speak of his experience giving him a “weakness of spirit,” pusillanimity.

Erasmus entered the monastery and became a monk but his heart was not in it.  He snuck away to the library.  R. Bainton:  Luther went to the monastery to save his soul; Erasmus to enlighten his mind.

He became a secretary to a bishop and found a place to teach in Paris at the College de Montague (the same school where Calvin and Ignatius Loyola studied).

Erasmus was not pleased with the scholastic education system of his day.  He wanted to pursue “the philosophy of Christ.”  He first used the term in 1503 in the Enchiridion.  It was a program of moral reform for the individual and society and centered on personal devotion to Jesus.  His views were shaped by three persons:

1.  John Colet:  Erasmus heard his lectures on Paul.  Colet set his piety ablaze by pointing him to Paul and Plato.   From Paul he learned about grace:  the letter kills, but the Spirit gives life.  Erasmus wrote four commentaries on Paul, now lost.   From Plato he learned idealism.  His spirituality was focused on stillness.

2.  Petrarch:  He was interested in history as more than merely a series of events/facts and in rhetoric.  He thought of history as a golden age, a fall, and a renewal.  Erasmus also thought in this way.

3.  Lorenzo Vallla.  He had a critical role in philology.  He examined the “donation of Constantine” and found it a forgery.  This gave focus to the importance of text criticism.  Erasmus discovered Vallas’s “Annotations” on the NT in a monastic library and published it.  This fueled interest in text criticism.

Erasmus’ “evangelical” heart is what makes him so important for the whole church:  Catholic, Protestant, Quaker, etc.  He wanted the Bible in the language of the people.

Luther would translate the NT in 1522 using Erasmus’ second edition (1519).  Tyndale would use Erasmus to translate the NT into English.

Erasmus died in Basel, then a Protestant city, in 1536.  This was the same year of Calvin’s first edition of the Institutes.  Erasmus’ last words in Dutch:  Liebe Gott, Dear God….

TG sees these last words as significant.  He says we can commend this type of piety in Erasmus.

Q and A:

In discussion George notes that he has grown more sympathetic to Erasmus over the years.

When asked about Erasmus and Luther TG cites a work by a Jesuit author, H. J. McSorely, titled, Luther Right or Wrong?  (1969).  TG says Luther was right, but he does not see this as the final word on the debate.

JTR Analysis:


This was a thoughtful and informative lecture from George. TG has long expressed sympathies with RC positions and on supposedly bridging the divide between Protestants and the RCC (cf. his input on the “Manhattan Declaration”). My friend Rob Stovall and I heard TG speak at an ETS event a few years ago and were struck by his references to the Pope as “the holy Father.” He did so at least once in this lecture also. Thus, it was not surprising that he presented a favorable view of Erasmus’ spirituality and counts him as a 'reformer' (though there was little reference to Erasmus' understanding or articulation of the Biblical gospel in it).